Suchergebnisse

Cover -- Title Page -- Copyright Page -- Table of Contents -- Acknowledgements -- List of contributors -- List of abbreviations -- 1 Introduction: The Nordic model of transnational cooperation? -- 2 European challenge to Nordic institutional cooperation: Past, present and future -- 3 Nordic cooperation in the voluntary sector -- 4 The Nordic model and the rise and fall of Nordic cooperation -- 5 Cooperation in the field of law -- 6 Dreams and realities: The Nordic Council Literature Prize as a symbol of the construction of Nordic cultural cooperation -- 7 The Nordic passport union and its discontents: Unintended consequences of free movement -- 8 Nordic institutionalized cooperation in a larger regional setting -- 9 Nordic security and defence cooperation: Northern policies in a European perspective -- 10 Nordic countries as laboratories for transnational learning -- Index.

It is often argued that the Scandinavian post-war period was marked by a democratic optimism that contrasts with the deep concerns for the inherent dangers of popular sovereignty and the thorough moral reconsideration that took place on the European continent in the wake of World War II. This article seeks to balance this view by exploring what Scandinavian intellectuals believed had caused the collapse of democracy in Europe in the 1930s and what they saw as the main threats to democracy in the emerging post-war societies. Focusing on the fears of socialist planning, concerns about the position of individual rights and freedoms in modern societies, and the anxieties concerning the secular total state, the article suggests that the Scandinavian post-war democratic settlement was indeed built around a different set of ideas from those evident in many other places in Europe, but that it was no less informed by recent historical experiences or concerns for the fragility of democracy.

It is often argued that the Scandinavian post-war period was marked by a democratic optimism that contrasts with the deep concerns for the inherent dangers of popular sovereignty and the thorough moral reconsideration that took place on the European continent in the wake of World War II. This article seeks to balance this view by exploring what Scandinavian intellectuals believed had caused the collapse of democracy in Europe in the 1930s and what they saw as the main threats to democracy in the emerging post-war societies. Focusing on the fears of socialist planning, concerns about the position of individual rights and freedoms in modern societies, and the anxieties concerning the secular total state, the article suggests that the Scandinavian post-war democratic settlement was indeed built around a different set of ideas from those evident in many other places in Europe, but that it was no less informed by recent historical experiences or concerns for the fragility of democracy. ; Peer reviewed

Scandinavian Legal Realism occupies a controversial space in Nordic historiography. Some celebrate it as the legal philosophy of the democratic and egalitarian Nordic welfare state; others scorn it for having contributed to a state-apologetic and rights-sceptical Nordic political culture that prioritised the common good over individual human rights. This article is motivated by an impression that a certain historical sensitivity is lacking from this discussion. Focusing on the Swedish philosopher Axel Hägerström and the Danish legal theorist Alf Ross, the article explores what the legal realists actually said about human rights and reconstructs the context and purpose of their criticism. How did they envision international law, democracy or the welfare state without human rights? How was it possible to continue the crusade against natural law after the Second World War? And is there anything to be learned from their criticism at a time when we in the Nordic countries, as elsewhere, are asking ourselves many of the same fundamental questions regarding the relation between law and politics as well as the universality of human rights? ; Peer reviewed

Although commissioned to mark the 60th anniversary of the Nordic Council in 2012, this is no run-of-the-mill commemorative publication. The Nordic Council wants to look to the future and follow up on the renewed debate about co-operation.There is much to suggest that the Nordic Region is experiencing a renaissance. The crisis in the EU, the strength of the Nordic welfare model and global interest in the Arctic are just some of the factors bringing the countries together. Foreign and defence policy have become key areas of co-operation, and therefore the structures established in the 1950s and 1970s are no longer fit for purpose.This book presents a vision for the future based on visible, high-profile and result-oriented co-operation in Nordic Communities.

Während der dreißiger und vierziger Jahre des zwanzigsten Jahrhunderts wurde vielfach ein Zusammenhang zwischen relativistischen oder nihilistischen moralischen Theorien auf der einen Seite und dem Aufstieg des Totalitarismus in Europa auf der anderen postuliert. In Skandinavien wurden entsprechende Vorwürfe gegenüber den Anhängern der wertenihilistischen Theorie Axel Hägerströms geäußert. Der vorliegende Artikel untersucht, in welcher Weise drei demokratisch gesinnte Nachfolger Hägerströms – Ingemar Hedenius, Herbert Tingsten und Alf Ross – sich darum bemühten, solcherlei Beschuldigungen entgegenzutreten und ihre demokratische Überzeugung mit der wertenihilistischen Theorie Hägerströms in Einklang zu bringen. ; In the 1930s and 40s many theories were raised about some kind of connection between relativistic or nihilistic moral theories and the rise of totalitarianism in Europe. In Scandinavia these allegations were directed at the adherents of the value nihilistic theory of Axel Hägerström. This article explores the ways in which three democratically-minded followers of Hägerström (Ingemar Hedenius, Herbert Tingsten and Alf Ross) struggled to overcome these charges and to reconcile their democratic convictions with Hägerström's value nihilistic theory.

"Während der dreißiger und vierziger Jahre des zwanzigsten Jahrhunderts wurde vielfach ein Zusammenhang zwischen relativistischen oder nihilistischen moralischen Theorien auf der einen Seite und dem Aufstieg des Totalitarismus in Europa auf der anderen postuliert. In Skandinavien wurden entsprechende Vorwürfe gegenüber den Anhängern der wertenihilistischen Theorie Axel Hägerströms geäußert. Der vorliegende Artikel untersucht, in welcher Weise drei demokratisch gesinnte Nachfolger Hägerströms - Ingemar Hedenius, Herbert Tingsten und Alf Ross - sich darum bemühten, solcherlei Beschuldigungen entgegenzutreten und ihre demokratische Überzeugung mit der wertenihilistischen Theorie Hägerströms in Einklang zu bringen." (Autorenreferat)

In the 1930s and 40s many theories were raised about some kind of connection between relativistic or nihilistic moral theories and the rise of totalitarianism in Europe. In Scandinavia these allegations were directed at the adherents of the value nihilistic theory of Axel Hägerström. This article explores the ways in which three democratically-minded followers of Hägerström (Ingemar Hedenius, Herbert Tingsten and Alf Ross) struggled to overcome these charges and to reconcile their democratic convictions with Hägerström's value nihilistic theory. ; Peer reviewed

The recent crises in global economy and in European integration have caused a considerable revival of interest in the Nordic Welfare Model. However, less attention has been given to the ways in which the nations that form Scandinavia or 'Norden' are connected through various forms of inter- and transnational cooperation. With contributions from a team of experts in the field, this volume analyses Nordic cooperation in a European perspective and argues that this special form of transnational cooperation has been crucial in the development of the Nordic Welfare Model. In addition, it also contends that the Nordic model of transnational cooperation is a relevant case study when pondering the present problems of European integration. This text will be of key interest to students, researchers and policy makers studying the Nordic Model and transnational cooperation and more generally to those interested in European studies, Scandinavian studies, welfare studies, international relations and regional integration.

"Democracy is today a concept that is overwhelmingly positively evaluated almost everywhere. A lot has been written about socio-economic and cultural backgrounds of democratic regimes as well as their institutional settings. By contrast, not much is known about the political manoeuvres and speech acts by which 'democracy' has been tied to particular regions and cultures in concrete historical situations. This book discusses a series of efforts to rhetorically produce a particular Nordic version of democracy. It shows that the rhetorical figure 'Nordic democracy' was a product of the age of totalitarianism and the Cold War. It explores the ways in which 'Nordic democracy' was used, mainly by the social democrats, to provide the welfare politics with cultural and historical legitimacy and foundations. Thus, it also acknowledges the ideological and geopolitical context in which the 'Nordic welfare state' was conceptualised and canonised.

The contributors of the book are specialists on Nordic politics and history, who share a particular interest in political rhetoric and conceptual history.
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Why are some intellectual milieus more prone to universalism than others?
Ultimately, it is about power and who can afford to ignore whom. While the
international status and recognition of a specific intellectual community—
linguistic, urban, national, or regional—are obvious factors, they do not fully
account for why the step from local experience to universal claim is shorter
for some and longer for others. By combining an actor-oriented discussion
of the processes through which intellectuals claim universal validity and
applicability for concepts with a discussion of center-periphery tensions in
transnational exchange, this article explores the logic of conceptual universalization
from the perspective of the European margins.

What makes the Nordic countries Nordic? The terms 'Nordic' and 'Scandinavian' are increasingly used in wide range of political and cultural contexts. Historically they have been associated with political projects and institutions, while also functioning as categories of analysis in academic research. Often associated with positive meanings, the term 'Nordic' has also become a resource for commercial and cultural branding.